Interest groups in the U.S. politics Essay Example for Free

Interest groups in the U.S. politics Essay The United States is a democratic country, which supports non-violent political and social movements, seeking different improvements in the U. S. domestic and international policies. That is to say, the requirements of interest groups are not always met, because whereas various types of interest groups are acknowledged, there still exist those factions, which have narrow social base and whose political presentation is limited in scope, as a rule, to financial interests of their members. For instance, the sugar lobbies (such as SIG) represent the opinion of 10, 000 -15,000 farmers, who call for the restriction of import of sugar and for the special social programs for sugar farmers. Such factions are usually intended as those with narrow interests and their founders and members lobby these interests in special moments and periods, when the atmosphere becomes more conductive for promotion –for instance, when they find out that the imported sugar does not fir into the international quality standards, or before the elections (Elhauge, 2002). Special interest groups are usually distinguished from â€Å"constituency-representing organizations, which have a broad social base, address a wide range of issues, and balance members’ interests with a strong commitment to the commonwealth† (Etzioni, 1990, p. 172). These organizations might pursue such non-financial interests as those related to social status, value issues in addition to financial ones, for instance the Urban League represents the interests of urban residents and seek environmental, social and political changes in large cities. â€Å"While the public views interest groups as threatening pluralistic democracy, the conventional wisdom of political science has seen them as beneficial† (ibid). In fact, it is possible to assume from the present situation, that the most beneficial activity is related to the constituency-representation. Furthermore, special interest groups are likely to bring problems to larger factions, due to dynamic interactions between political parties, movements and non-profit organizations. Small factions pursuing narrow goals are also more likely to use ‘black PR’ technologies, directed to changing public attitudes towards certain political parties and either to increase or to decrease loyalty rates. On the other hand, the eradication of small ‘narrowly-specialized’ factions is neither possible nor useful, as the statement that competing factions (Mcwilliams, 1988) are likely to reduce each other, is valid only for small groups, whose interests are temporary. On the contrary, constituency-representing organizations are more likely to produce long-term programs including political, economic, social and cultural dimensions of human life. â€Å"The balance between interest groups and the shared polity is maintained most effectively when the pro-community forces rise up, but not higher than, the level they are able to contain but not suppress interest groups† (Mcwilliams, 1988, A9). Moreover, the role of factions is viewed in the context of the historical development of the United States. Over the last three decades, the American political institutions have become less integrated, and the power of factions has increased. On the other hand, due to the growth of their number, it is much more difficult nowadays to maintain the balance between the main political course and the consent between the state and narrower interest groups (Etzioni, 1990). It would be also important to mention the functions of interest groups. First of all they serve as a supplementary force that intensifies the public opinion representation, especially during the electoral process. Moreover, they make the political process more receptive comparing to the electoral process, which is intended as a domination of majorities, while factions are more likely to have goals, which are cohesive with the main wishes of social and national minorities; and thus they serve as a mediating force standing between the person and the state. Interest groups are known to improve the disproportionate separation of the legislative and the executive branches, because their propositions of legislative changes are logically supplemented by similar propositions for the executive branch. Another important cultural function is associated with the growth of political consciousness and political culture as well as the amount of political information in media, which represents a number of standpoints. At all times interest groups and political parties served an indicator of public consciousness and diversity as well as intensified political antagonism, especially in the most critical periods: for instance, during the Vietnamese military invasion, Carter’s position were actually weakened by interest groups, including the most peaceful youth movements, dissatisfied with the resolution of Iranian hostage crisis. As a rule, interest groups arise in the most conductive atmosphere (liberal or democratic regime), in which human rights and freedoms are declared. Political, economic and social factions can originate from professional unions or leagues (like social workers’ professional organization), which seek to represent the opinions of their professional group or their customers’ viewpoint (for instance, social workers nowadays initiate law enforcement and the adoption of certain legal acts as well as get directly involved in lobbyist activities). The discontent with government policies is another important recondition for the arousal of an interest group: political activity is actually determined by the existing economic and social policies, so it’s easy to predict, for instance, the activation of industrial unions, when under the pressure of ecological groups, the U. S. government or certain local authorities put additional taxation on enterprises, dealing with toxic substances or with oil and natural gas. It is also important to note that interest groups will exist as long as the democratic system exists, because it is impossible to satisfy the needs of the whole society with respect to its diversity. Consequently, those concerns, which have already been satisfied, are likely to be replaced by new demands. This means, human needs are immeasurable and never-ending, whereas material resources are limited, so the U. S. government today can provide only partial gratification of political claims. Furthermore, the issue of representation is also quite contradictory: on the one hand, the growth of diversity among political parties signifies positive dynamics in this sense, on the other hand, due to the increase of public consciousness, the diversity in worldviews has grown disproportionably to the number of existing factions, so that even small groups (families, local communities) seek social or economic support, but in this case we cannot speak about true representation, since their influence is insufficient to initiate the changes at legislative or executive levels. The representation of each citizen’s interests is a utopia, as at the present time only large (more than 100,000 members) interest groups can achieve representation, can be heard, if speaking figuratively. Furthermore, it is important to note that the complete representation is inhibited by the demands of the epoch, to which self-respecting factions are supposed to adjust. For instance, the ISN movement, whose leaders several years ago (in 2000-2001) called for the changes in the U. S.immigration policy and were representing the viewpoints of national and ethnic minorities, who live and work in the country (Elhauge, 2002), has changed its directions and now are trying to create more constructive basis for the U. S. foreign policy. On the one hand, it is associated with the events of September 11, which were close followed by the violations of Muslim minorities’ human rights. On the other hand, political changes forced this faction to make a more profound inquiry into the current state of affairs and to find the most acute concerns of the society. Similar dynamics can be noticed in a number of special and constituency-representing interest groups which removed irrelevant concerns and posed new questions, such as those related to women’s rights, ethnic minorities’ human rights, social security and intellectual property. As one can assume, certain interests remain overlooked or underrepresented, whereas the most ‘fashionable’ sociopolitical trends (gender equality) are overstated and therefore prioritized. Works cited 1) Elhauge, E. Does interest group theory justify more intrusive judicial review? Yale Law Journal, 2002, Vol. 110 2) Etzioni, A. Special interest groups versus constituency representation: Research in social movements. Conflict and Change, 1990, Vol. 8. 3) Mcwilliams, R. The best and the worst of public interest groups; from lifting up the poor to shaking down the elderly, Washington Monthly, March 1988, Vol. 20.

The Category of the Individual Essay -- Sociology Sociological Papers

The Category of the Individual In The Order of Things, Michel Foucault argues that there is a "pure experience of order and its modes of being" (Foucault xxi), that order exists and that it is necessary. Foucault is concerned with language because it is a mode by which we maintain order in the world, and according to his argument, what we should fear are heterotopias, which "undermine language," "make it impossible to name this and that," "shatter or tangle common names," and "destroy 'syntax' in advance" (Foucault xviii). When Foucault refers to 'syntax,' he is not just talking about our method of constructing sentences but "also that less apparent syntax which causes words and things (next to and also opposite one another) to 'hold together'" (Foucault xviii). In other words, there is need for us to take into account how the things in our world are related to each other. One of the ways in which we do this is through the method of categorization, which allows us to organize our world according to similarities an d differences. However, Foucault stresses us to be cautious, to realize that "we shall never succeed in defining a stable relation of contained to container between each of these categories and that which includes them all" (Foucault xvii). An all-inclusive category does not exist; it cannot exist. Foucault insists on the need to pay attention to what is present in the "empty space, the interstitial blanks separating all these entities from one another" (Foucault xvi). It is not that language is inadequate; it is just that we must be conscious of not only what is stated but also what is not directly stated, what is contained inside language and what is outside language. When we organize the things in the world in... ...gle words. I don't believe in 'sadness,' 'joy,' or 'regret.' Maybe the best proof that language is patriarchal is that it oversimplifies feeling" (Eugenides 217). We must realize that the only "normal" that exists is what is "normal" to the individual, to us. Our categories do not define us; we define ourselves. Through our experiences, we create identities that are unique to us, and we, as "others," must learn to value our individual experiences because that is where the answer is, where it always has been. Works Cited: Eugenides, Jeffrey. Middlesex. New York: Picador, 2002. Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences. New York: Vintage Books. Moraga, Cherrà ­e. "The Breakdown of the Bicultural Mind." Names We Call Home: Autobiography on Racial Identity. Eds. Becky Thompson and Sangeeta Tyagi. New York: Routledge.

The Rabbits, New Australians, and Romulus, My Father: Experiences of Immigrants

People experience a sense of belonging in varied and complex ways. How is this explored in the texts you have studied? In your response, refer closely to your prescribed text and to at least TWO other related texts of your own choosing. The migrant experience describes an individual’s change form one social context to another. Such a vast difference of results in a complicated confrontation of values. Hence a sense of belonging lies inherent in the individual’s ability to marry or reconcile identity with their social environment. Raimond Gaita’s semi-autobiographical memoir Romulus, My Father and the Australian’s feature article Alice Pung on New Australians both explore the difficulties faced when immigrating and how a new found sense of belonging occurs through a transformation of identity and values. John Marsden and Shawn Tan’s picture book The Rabbits use the graphical and written to demonstrate the loss of identity due to a loss of belonging that occurred in the white settlement of Australia. It is inherent in human nature to have a desire for belonging. This is evident in Romulus’ seeking out those of a similar history to him, namely Mitru and Hora, whose varied experience is more similar, his than Australians. In simple characteristics, such as a common language, they form a bond. â€Å"Having arrived at the camp [Romulus] set out to find those like him†. However having to work amongst and with the people of this new social context requires Romulus to confront the differences of values between him and that of Australia. Romulus has to compromise his ideals to that of Australia in order for Australia to accept him. He builds towards the Australian dream of owning a house and time to provide for Raimond the best. However Romulus also examples tat it is indeed a compromise not an assimilation of values. He finds the Australians to be â€Å"lazy† and â€Å"incompetent†. In embracing his won values of respect, honours and hard work, Romulus influences the Australian community he lives in where they come to affectionately call him Jack. Similarly, Pung’s article on her family’s migration from war torn Vietnam to Australia explorers the transformation of identity to achieve belonging. Her father fully embraces Australia ideals â€Å"to be like them ad survive† reading newpapers, having an opinion on Australian politics and opening a Retrovision franchise. She outlines the line between belonging and not belonging in the understanding of each other. â€Å"At first they stared with their eyes wide opened their mouths firmly shut. Now they laugh with their mouths wide open and their eyes firmly shut. † However, as Mitru and Christine show that an inability to marry both identity and community, Pung’s mother does the same. Never learning English or â€Å"embracing Australian society other than as a supermarket shopper† Pung’s mother becomes depressed and reclusive. The Rabbits describe the same destructive effect of not being able to reconcile identity and belonging together. The picture book reverses the situation to where the migrant rabbits assimilated their identity onto the culture, thus removing the identity of the native bilbies. Than contrasts the two cultures, in the brown and green colour of their land before the sterile white buildings of the rabbits. The bilbies gather throughout the book together, interacting each other compared to the uniformed rabbits, who are numbered and constantly demarcating, enclosing and tracing the land. Each component of the rabbits migration reflect destruction and conflict as represented by the giants machines that â€Å"eat up our grass† and the rams and sheep marked out. The bilbies are unable to reconcile their identity with the rabbits’ new society â€Å"They didn’t live in trees like us† and hence are decimated. â€Å"Who will save us form the rabbits? † An identity describes the context to which an individual belong to. In the migrant experience the individual’s ability to belong relies on the successfulness of their complicated marriages of ideals and values that vary for each individual.

The Evolution Of The Constitution - 914 Words

In the following lines the term law will refer to the constitution, and I will try to discuss and analyze the evolution of the Constitution through the years, going back from its creation until today, while at the same time interjecting my opinion, insights and personal belief in the subject addressed. Many of us consider the Constitution as a living document, in the sense that it continues to change, evolve, and â€Å"grow,† in relation to the era or time in which it is in. Thus far, this evolution has been for the better; bringing people closer together, and living up to it intending purpose, form a â€Å"perfect union†. For instance, in the around 1787, women’s rights were non-existing; women’s well-being was constantly violated and not respected at all by a male dominated majority rules. The equal right law applied mainly to â€Å"white men†, being female was automatically viewed as inferior and unequal to male. While men benefited of the protection of their rights under the law. Crimes like domestic violence, rapes, and even murder against women went unpunished under the same law. It took years of fighting, marching, protesting, and organizing for women to be recognized and having the same political rights as men do under the law. The ninetee nth amendment, giving women the right to vote fulfill women’s organization achievement, â€Å"We the people, 10th Ed.† It is worth noting that not everyone welcomes the equality under the law between men and women. I, being a woman, still experienceShow MoreRelatedEvolution of Democracy and the Athenian Constitution Essay4268 Words   |  18 PagesEvolution of Democracy and the Athenian Constitution Democracy is defined in modern times as government by the people. To put that in perspective and better understand all that democracy entails we must consider its origins. 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